Peabody energy mining

By | 12.10.2018
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Peabody Energy Corporation (NYSE: BTU), headquartered in St. Louis, Missouri,[4] is the largest private-sector coal company in the world.[5] Its primary business consists of the mining, sale and distribution of coal, which is purchased for use in electricity generation and steelmaking. Peabody promotes continuous environmental improvement in coal mining and coal use. Peabody Energy is the global leader in clean coal solutions. We believe in continuous environmental improvement in coal mining and coal use. Peabody Energy Corporation (Peabody) is a private-sector coal company. The Company owns interests in 28 active coal mining operations located in the United States and Australia. The Company has a majority interest in 27 of those coal operations and a 50% equity interests in the Middlemount Mine in Australia.
Peabody is the world’s largest private-sector coal company. The company is also a leading voice in advocating for sustainable mining, energy access and clean coal technologies. Peabody serves metallurgical and thermal coal customers in more than 25 countries on five continents. Dec 29, 2016 · KAYENTA, Ariz. — The world’s largest coal company, Peabody Energy, is seeking federal approval to expand its mine on Navajo and Hopi land in northern. Peabody Energy Corporation (NYSE: BTU), headquartered in St. Louis, Missouri,[4] is the largest private-sector coal company in the world.[5] Its primary business consists of the mining, sale and distribution of coal, which is purchased for use in electricity generation and steelmaking. Peabody promotes continuous environmental improvement in coal mining and coal use. Peabody Energy is the global leader in clean coal solutions. We believe in continuous environmental improvement in coal mining and coal use. Peabody Energy Corporation (Peabody) is a private-sector coal company. The Company owns interests in 28 active coal mining operations located in the United States and Australia. The Company has a majority interest in 27 of those coal operations and a 50% equity interests in the Middlemount Mine in Australia.

Unlike the pipeline project at Standing Rock, however, Peabody’s mine plan has the backing of the official tribal governments because the original mine is one of the few sources of jobs and revenue on the impoverished reservations. Peabody has paid about $50 million per year to the Navajo and Hopi tribes since 1987, according to a federal report released in 2012, because the mine was built on tribal land.

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But several powerful Navajo nongovernmental organizations, at odds with their leaders, have joined with the Sierra Club to try to curb the mine expansion, arguing that the mine harms air and water quality and that Peabody’s initial plan did not include enough protections for so-called cultural resources like graves. While they acknowledge that they cannot stop the mine project, peabody energy mining, they at least want Peabody and the government to protect ceremonial sites, ruins and graves in the expanding mine’s path.

To that end, these groups have brought a lawsuit that has forced the government to undertake a Preservation Act study to identify burial grounds and sites h270 plus mining archaeological importance. For projects on or near tribal land, the government must consult with tribes.

The problem, however, say tribal activists and preservation law experts, is that the permitting system is set up in such a way that it usually favors the project proponents while giving short shrift to tribal concerns. Even when “tribal consultation does happen, it’s often not in the spirit of the law,” said Anne Mariah Tapp, peabody energy mining, a lawyer who works on similar cases for other tribes.

In the Peabody case, the tribal plaintiffs who are demanding protection for Indian sites complain that they have not been included in decision making as the project moves forward and that they are not privy to the study that identified which sites might be protected.

They also claim there is a conflict of interest.

The mine fuels a power plant whose majority owner is the permitting agency, the United States Bureau of Reclamation.

Sandra Eto, environmental protection specialist with the Bureau of Reclamation, denied any conflict of interest and said the plant’s ownership would have no bearing on the integrity of the study, peabody energy mining. She also said that the study peabody energy mining being kept confidential because of “the sensitive and confidential nature of the material.”

For Peabody, at stake is a huge federal energy project that powers most of the Southwest. But the issue is especially fraught because of persistent questions about how Peabody has dealt with tribal property on its mine lease area over the past 50 years.

Documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act show that although Peabody’s promotional materials say artifacts are “curated in a state-of-the-art facility,” a 2002 government audit found that the collection “needed complete rehabilitation to comply with federal guidelines for archaeological curation.” Looting was a problem among Peabody employees, according to peabody energy mining records.

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Even though Peabody’s mine has the backing of tribal officials, government records show a long history of tribal leaders appealing to the mining company to better respect their land and cultural artifacts. For example, the federal government “loaned” 192 sets of human remains to Debra L. Martin — an anthropology professor at Hampshire College in Amherst, Mass., who is now with the University of Nevada, Las Vegas — without permission from the tribes, causing outrage. “I was shocked when I found out,” said Alan Downer, peabody energy mining, a former historic preservation officer for the Navajo Nation.

Peabody’s permit requires workers to stop and notify regulators and the tribe at the first sight of bone or native pottery. But, only three findings of human remains have been recorded by mining crews since 1983.

Asked about the lack of finds, Gregg Heaton, a Peabody spokesman, said in an email, “Peabody achieves full regulatory compliance.”

Peabody’s current lease is set to expire 77 mining 2019, and the company is seeking federal permission for a permit that would allow it to continue mining until peabody energy mining. The government’s environmental study is in draft form and was available for public comment until Dec. lola mining. Complicating matters is Peabody’s entry into Chapter 11 peabody energy mining, which Ms. Sutton said would not have any bearing on the mine re-permitting or the company’s commitment to protect native sacred sites and graves.

For many here, the loss of ancestral remains and archaeological ruins is devastating.

“What will I have to show my grandchildren once the evidence of our ancestors is gone?” said Harrison Crank, a Navajo miner and former 30-year Peabody employee. He agreed to participate in the Preservation Act study, peabody energy mining one late autumn day he led researchers into the scrub behind his home, pointing out material he thought should be saved from mining.

“This is all I’m trying to tell them: These are the sites where we prayed, where we buried our dead, where we made pottery a long time ago,” he said. “Please honor it. Please let it be known.”

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Peabody Energy - Wikipedia

Peabody Energy Corporation (Peabody) is a private-sector coal company. The Company owns interests in 28 active coal mining operations located in the United States and Australia. The Company has a majority interest in 27 of those coal operations and a 50% equity interests in the Middlemount Mine in Australia. Unlike the pipeline project at Standing Rock, however, Peabody’s mine plan has the backing of the official tribal governments because the original mine is one of. Peabody Energy is the world’s largest private-sector coal company and global leader in sustainable mining and clean coal solutions. The company serves metallurgical and thermal coal customers in more than 25 Countries on six continents. For further information, go to Peabodyenergy.com and CoalCanDoThat.com. Peabody Energy mining news. Explore related Peabody Energy articles for more information on the Peabody Energy mining industry. Peabody Energy Corp. Peabody Energy Corp. engages in the business of coal mining. It operates through the following segments: Powder River Basin Mining; Midwestern U. Peabody Energy has funded dozens of groups that question climate science, analysis shows. Photograph: Jeff Roberson/AP Peabody Energy, America’s biggest coalmining.

Peabody Energy Corp. Peabody Energy Corp. engages in the business of coal mining. It operates through the following segments: Powder River Basin Mining; Midwestern U. Peabody Energy is the world’s largest private-sector coal company and global leader in sustainable mining and clean coal solutions. The company serves metallurgical and thermal coal customers in more than 25 Countries on six continents. For further information, go to Peabodyenergy.com and CoalCanDoThat.com. Peabody is the world’s largest private-sector coal company. The company is also a leading voice in advocating for sustainable mining, energy access and clean coal technologies. Peabody serves metallurgical and thermal coal customers in more than 25 countries on five continents.


Biggest US coal company funded dozens of groups questioning climate change

Analysis of Peabody Energy court documents show company backed trade groups, lobbyists and thinktanks dubbed ‘heart and soul of climate denial’

Peabody Energy, America’s biggest coalmining company, has funded at least two dozen groups that cast doubt on manmade climate change and oppose environment regulations, analysis by the Guardian reveals.

The funding spanned trade associations, corporate lobby groups, and industry front groups as well as conservative thinktanks and was exposed in court filings last month.

The coal company also gave to political organisations, funding twice as many Republican groups as Democratic ones.

Peabody, the world’s biggest private sector publicly traded coal company, was long known as an outlier even among fossil fuel companies for its public rejection of climate science and action. But its funding of climate denial groups was only exposed in disclosures after the coal titan was forced to seek bankruptcy protection in April, under competition from cheap natural gas.

Environmental campaigners said they had not known for certain that the company was funding an array of climate denial groups – and that the breadth of that funding took them by surprise.

The company’s filings reveal funding for a range of organisations which have fought Barack Obama’s plans to cut greenhouse gas emissions, and denied the very existence of climate change.

“These groups collectively are the heart and soul of climate denial,” said Kert Davies, founder of the Climate Investigation Center, who has spent 20 years tracking funding for climate denial. “It’s the broadest list I have seen of one company funding so many nodes in the denial machine.”

Among Peabody’s beneficiaries, the Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change has insisted – wrongly – that carbon emissions are not a threat but “the elixir of life” while the American Legislative Exchange Council is trying to overturn Environmental Protection Agency rules cutting emissions from power plants. Meanwhile, Americans for Prosperity campaigns against carbon pricing. The Oklahoma chapter was on the list.

Contrarian scientists such as Richard Lindzen and Willie Soon also feature on the bankruptcy list.

So does the Washington lobbyist and industry strategist Richard Berman, whose firm has launched a welter of front groups attacking the EPA rules.

The filings do not list amounts or dates. But the documents suggest Peabody supported dozens of groups engaged in blocking environmental regulations in addition to a number of contrarian scientists who together have obstructed US and global action on climate change.

The support squares up with Peabody’s public position on climate change. The company went further than the fossil fuel companies and conservative groups that merely promoted doubt about the risks of climate change, asserting that rising carbon emissions were beneficial.

The truth behind Peabody's campaign to rebrand coal as a poverty cure

Just last year, Peabody wrote to the White House Council on Environmental Quality describing carbon dioxide as “a benign gas that is essential for all life” and denying the dangers of global warming.

“While the benefits of carbon dioxide are proven, the alleged risks of climate change are contrary to observed data, are based on admitted speculation, and lack adequate scientific basis,” the company wrote in the 24 March 2015 letter.

The company agreed in November to make fuller disclosures about global warming risks under a settlement deal reached with the New York attorney general. Peabody had been under investigation for misleading investors and the public about the potential impact of climate change on its business.

Even so, the full extent of Peabody’s financial support for climate denial is unlikely to be revealed until the completion of bankruptcy proceedings.

“The breadth of the groups with financial ties to Peabody is extraordinary. Thinktanks, litigation groups, climate scientists, political organisations, dozens of organisations blocking action on climate all receiving funding from the coal industry,” said Nick Surgey, director of research for the Center for Media and Democracy.

“We expected to see some denial money, but it looks like Peabody is the treasury for a very substantial part of the climate denial movement.”

Peabody’s filings revealed funding for the American Legislative Exchange Council, the corporate lobby group which opposes clean energy standards and tried to impose financial penalties on homeowners with solar panels, as well as a constellation of conservative thinktanks and organisations.

These included the State Policy Network and the Franklin Center for Government and Public Integrity, which worked to defeat climate bills in Congress and are seeking to overturn Environmental Protection Agency rules to reduce carbon pollution from power plants, as well as the Congress for Racial Equality, which was a major civil rights organisation in the 1960s.

The filings also revealed funding for the George C Marshall Institute, the Institute for Energy Research, and the Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change, which are seen as industry front groups.

The names of a number of well-known contrarian academics also feature in the Peabody filings, including Willie Soon, a researcher at the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics. Soon has been funded almost entirely by the fossil fuel industry, receiving more than $1.2m from oil companies and utilities, but this was the first indication of Peabody funding.

Soon and the Smithsonian did not respond to requests for comment.

Richard Lindzen and Roy Spencer, two contrarian scientists who appeared for Peabody at hearings in Minnesota last month on the social cost of carbon, were also included in the bankruptcy filings.

Peabody refused to comment on its funding for climate denial groups, as revealed by the bankruptcy filings.

“While we wouldn’t comment on alliances with particular organizations, Peabody has a track record of advancing responsible energy and environmental policies, and we support organizations that advocate sustainable mining, energy access and clean coal solutions, in line with our company’s leadership in these areas,” Vic Svec, Peabody’s senior vice-president for global investor and corporate relations, wrote in an email.

Over the last decade, fossil fuel companies distanced themselves from open climate denial. Much of the funding for climate denial went underground, with corporations and conservative billionaires routing the funds through secretive networks such as Donors’ Trust.

But the sharp drop in coal prices, under competition from cheap natural gas, and a string of bankruptcies among leading US coal companies has inadvertently revealed the coal industry’s continued support for climate denial - even as oil companies moved away from open rejection of the science.

Earlier this year, bankruptcy filings from the country’s second-biggest coal company, Arch Coal Inc, revealed funding to a group known mainly for its unsuccessful lawsuit against the climate scientist Michael Mann.

The $10,000 donation to the Energy and Environment Legal Institute (E&E) was made in 2014, according to court documents filed in Arch’s chapter 11 bankruptcy protection case.

Last October, court filings from another coal company seeking bankruptcy protection, Alpha Natural Resources, revealed an $18,600 payment to Chris Horner, a fellow at E&E.

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